Power, Memory, and The Political Significance of Prothom Alo's Editorial Politics
The editorial titled “Tensions in Diplomatic Relations Delhi Must Act Responsibly,” published by the Prothom Alo on the 26th of December, was much more than the general commentary on the state of the crisis in the relationship between Bangladesh and India. It was a moment that surprised readers, mainly because the message came from a publication known to be close to the Indian side and supportive of the government maintained during the tenure of the Sheikh Hasina administration.
It is precisely this rift that imbues the editorial with such unusual political significance. Within a journalistic sphere shaped by many years of tacitly constrained discourse, an issue such as this appears not as a phenomenon driven by traditional editorial expression, but rather as a signal that something is shifting in the landscape on which Bangladesh's journalistic and political culture stands.
As such, the purpose of this article is to move beyond the literal meaning of the editorial to explore the underlying interpretations and implications of the said text. It will analyze the reasons behind the publication of the particular editorial at the particular moment in time, what it means in terms of shifts in power and discourse, and how people, particularly the politically conscious younger generation, feel about this shift in interpretation. As such, it will discuss the text in the context of Bangladesh's politically charged media sector, where memory, truth, and authority are constantly negotiated.
In light of these considerations, the analysis examines what kind of changes have occurred at Prothom Alo and whether these changes have been of a long-term or short-term nature, in a bid to provide insight into what the struggle for narrative domination, following the uprising in Bangladesh, means for the role of media institutions in fixing the trust deficit in democracy.
Editorial Memory and the Crisis of Credibility
Media credibility is cumulative. For nearly sixteen years, Prothom Alo, together with The Daily Star, both owned by the Transcom Group, was commonly perceived, especially among the politically mobilized youth, to be complicit with authoritarian continuity. In the absence of elections, disappearances, and shrinking civic space, these two news journals appeared to be doing what Pierre Bourdieu might describe as "symbolic accommodation," sounding critical but remaining within the limits tolerable to the powers-that-be.
It was this accumulated collective memory that explains why the response to Prothom Alo’s newfound assertiveness was marked more by surprise than by applause. For many readers, the issue was never the substance of the editorial itself, but its sudden emergence. The central question echoing across professional circles, university campuses, and street conversations alike was not what the editorial chose to say, but why it chose to say it now.
Agenda Setting, Silence, and Sudden Visibility
The relevance of agenda-setting theory is to point out how "the media’s power lies not only in persuasion, but often in what is highlighted, delayed, or ignored." The position of India regarding support for Hasina’s regime was secondary to mainstream editorial considerations but primary in public discourse, whereas consequent to the emphasis on Indian responsibility, visa bans, Hindutva mobilization, and diplomatic dereliction, issues considered sensitive by Prothom Alo suddenly found prominence.
It has political meaning. It carries meaning because when an establishment newspaper accepts grievances expressed in street politics and Gen Z activism, they end up giving those grievances legitimacy, even though they were perceived as radical, emotional, or unpatriotic.
Gramsci and Hegemony: A Case of Acknowledgment
In such a scenario, the hegemony of media, conceptualized by Antonio Gramsci, provides a paradigmatic understanding of the role of media. The hegemonic media act as a subtle mode of propaganda and not a straightforward instrument of propaganda, but they act as a mode of subtle architectures of consent, delimiting the boundaries of what can or cannot be imagined and questioned.
Thus, for the better part of the last fifteen years, the mainline media in Bangladesh basically played this hegemonic function. It simply contributed to a regional and national balance of power in which the political stance of India was always rendered imperatively necessary and irreproachable. It was in this manner that other interpretations regarding power and sovereignty were sometimes suppressed, sometimes merely left at the margins. However, when this hegemony began to fracture, most obviously following the mass uprising in July and the formation of the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus, media institutions began to experience a legitimacy crisis. Finally, this editorial might itself be understood as part of a hegemonic adjustment, in which there is recognition that older hegemonic discourses will no longer work.
Nevertheless, Gramsci also warned that such periods often result in mere token reforms to change the authority itself, not merely its ideological supports.
Framing Theory: Articulation or Containment
From the framing theory perspective, the case of this editorial is a subtle balance. It serves to support people's anger against India, their right to sovereignty, and their criticism of the Hindutva ideology's extremism. It, however, remains external to the framing of the same newspaper during the Hasina regime. This selective reporting raises a very pertinent question: Is there a moment in this editorial that addresses popular sovereignty or managing popular ire through focused diplomatic speak? At the level of consumption within these texts, a partial recognition and a lack of institutional self-reflection will be perceived by a younger generation of protesters as strategic rather than genuine.
Political Economy of Media: Structural Limits to Change
The political economy of media cautions that editorial changes should not be reduced to strictly normative conversions. Even if ownership structures, advertising revenue, and elite coverage are maintained, it is sensible to remain skeptical about editorial changes. One editorial will not untangle the political economy that has long favored caution over conflict.
Reader Response and the Factor X of Generation Z: Authority in the Age of Memory and Networks
The most critical effect of this particular editorial is not in the realm of international diplomacy but in the way it has affected the Gen Z generation in Bangladesh, which has been shaped by the internet, protest politics, and experiences of democratic decay. Gen Z newspaper audiences are different from other audiences in that they do not read newspapers as standalone texts. Gen Z audiences read newspapers relationally, in relation to existing histories of newspaper headlines, histories of silence, receipts, and memories.
Credibility in this generation does not come with institutional prestige or with words. It comes with the struggle to speak out when the words carry a cost, as well as the need for consistency in that struggle within the narrative of events. Those who are in the younger generation of readers would have grown up with enforced disappearances under covered, one-sided elections normalized, and foreign policy dealt with gingerly, to say the least. It is within this scenario that one surrendered editorial, with all the stated grievances of the people, will be met with both skepticism and appreciation.
Thus, it is in this regard that the editorials may well be perceived by some to amount to nothing more or less than the gesture of symbolic appeasement rather than the undertaking of structural transformation in the absence of sustained independence between the media and the state, the accountability of the intervention to the truths of the past, and the pluralization of dissenting voices, especially those hitherto rendered invisible by history. The moral authority of Gen Z is audited, not assumed.
At the same time, however, the reaction is not uniformly cynical. The young readers hear, of course, what is possibly a door ajar, a crack within a stiff media consensus. The problem facing mainstream media, then, is clear and uncompromising: this generation won’t be won over by gestures; instead, they will be observing patterns of behavior. In today’s Bangladesh, post the uprising, Gen Z is the most demanding audience the media has ever encountered-one that remembers too much, forgets too little, and is of the opinion that the media, to be taken seriously again, will have to face its own history first.
The Unavoidable Question: Why Now?
What the ultimate political implication of this editorial might be is clearly not dissociable from its timing. What triggered this particular moment when Prothom Alo aired long-held apprehensions expressed or voiced by sections of Bangladesh’s civil society and, above all, by the youths, is a question that arises forcibly, as the issues raised in the editorial had been on the table all along, and all that is different is the voice that today makes itself heard.
Several factors are converging on this moment, making it pivotal. There is a post-uprising period in Bangladesh, and certainly a heightened level of politicization, a breakdown of a long-standing authoritarian tradition, and now a form of interregnum governance, where appropriate and improper debates are resurfacing, and ideas formerly thought to be out of bounds are resurfacing.
The inspection of India’s role in Bangladesh's domestic politics, a phenomenon long afoot offline and online, has now firmly shifted to the mainstream. The traditional media, on the other hand, is staring down a record level of distrust, a breakdown of readership loyalty, and a collapse of editorial authority in the face of Gen Z's criticisms and independent online media.
Firstly, there are two ways of interpreting this editorial, and both of these approaches could signal a possible overhaul of the editorial agenda, which could recognize that the moral and political center of gravity is shifting in the sense of realizing that the newspaper must relocate itself from the consensus of the elites to more authentic and democratically based values of reporting the truth.
On the other hand, it could symbolize a strategic intervention—a well-timed act that serves to offset the growing public pressure, diffuse public ire against “traditional media,” and ensure the continued viability of the existing system, rather than challenging the previous compromises that had been made. There have been plenty of instances in the past when established systems have made concessions during transitions to ensure they come out on the other side of the transformation rather than necessarily determining the course the transformation takes.
What might transmute this present into something else, however, is the readership. Today's readers do not automatically impart moral authority with their validation. In the digital age, accountability precedes trust in the culture of archives and shared memory. To appeal to principle not only invites demands for proof-consistency in reporting but also calls for honesty in prior silence and a willingness to examine one's own complicities within the given paradigms of power.
The question, then, is not only why now, but what next. It may well qualify as a moment of inflection if this editorial is followed by bold editing to encourage more dissident voices and confront the past honestly and straightforwardly. Otherwise, it may pass into history as a brief adjustment, eloquent and punctual, but perhaps inadequate to a culture that recognizes sincerity not by words, but by pattern.
Conclusion: Between Reckoning and Repositioning
The Prothom Alo editorial is, of course, significant. It breaks the long silence, shifts public opinion, and indicates recognition of a new political landscape. Significance is not transformation, however.
Whether this moment represents a genuine editorial reckoning or merely a tactical adjustment cannot be determined by rhetoric alone. The answer will reveal itself only over time, through patterns rather than proclamations. It will be measured by the consistency of editorial choices, by which narratives are brought to the foreground, and which continue to linger in silence, and by whose voices are ultimately allowed to shape, define, and contest the contours of public discourse.
In a post-Uprising Bangladesh, the media institution is faced with this harsh reality:
gaining back trust through consistent bravery—or being haunted by the memory of their own stories.
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