by Nasir Uddin 25 August 2023
Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 17, 2022, reiterated to the chief of the United Nations Human Rights Commission that hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees living in overcrowded temporary camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar must return home to Myanmar, from where they had fled waves of violent and atrocious persecution. In fact, what the PM said unfolds the essence of the state policy of Bangladesh to readdress the Rohingya refugee crisis. Therefore, Bangladesh from the very beginning initiated every possible move to send the Rohingya refugees back to Myanmar yet it didn’t see the face of light until today even after the sixth year of the massive influx. Both Bangladesh and Myanmar made a repatriation agreement on November 23, 2017, just two months after the Rohingya influx kicked off following a genocidal attack in Rakhine State perpetrated by the Myanmar security forces starting on August 25, 2017.
Both countries formed a Joint Working Group (JWG) in December 2018 and signed a physical arrangement agreement in January 2019 to make necessary preparations and launch the Rohingya repatriation to Rakhine state. Following these consecutive agreements and initiatives, the first repatriation attempt was made on November 15, 2018, and the next one on August 22, 2019, but both failed. Very recently in 2023, another attempt was made with China’s direct intermediate involvement to launch a pilot repatriation project but it hasn’t worked out until now. The failures are interpreted by blaming the Rohingya refugees as not a single Rohingya agreed to return to his/her ‘homeland’. In fact, there was no reason for them to return to Myanmar because they until then didn’t receive any trustworthy promises and reliable pledges from either Myanmar or the international community about their legal recognition, their social safety, and their settlement planning after their return. Besides, the atrocious conditions in Rakhine state remained identical; sometimes worse. In fact, the repatriation attempts failed mainly because of Myanmar’s reluctance to bring more than one million Rohingya people back, the lack of their sincerity and no tangible preparation for executing a successful Rohingya repatriation though Bangladesh took all necessary preparations and provided all sorts of support.
In 2019, both Myanmar and Bangladesh didn’t take any effective initiative to resume the repatriation process. In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic broke out across the globe and so did in Bangladesh and Myanmar which turned the entire repatriation process into a prolonged stalemate. In 2021, the Myanmar military, known as Tatmadaw, took over the state power ousting the newly elected democratic government on February 01. During 2021 and the first half of 2022, the Myanmar junta government seriously struggled to deal with the anti-junta movement engulfing the country. Therefore, they paid less attention to the Rohingya issue and Bangladesh also couldn’t resume any effective dialogue with the junta government over the Rohingya repatriation issue. Given the fact, the Rohingya repatriation process didn’t take any currency until today. But, six years on and the Rohingya crisis is becoming complicated day by day. The tension between the Rohingya refugees and the host communities is gradually escalating though not hostile yet. The frustration among the Rohingya refugees is mounting steadily because Bangladesh seems reluctant to host them anymore on the one hand and Myanmar is not willing to bring them back on the other hand. They find their future nowhere and the future of their children appears blurred and extremely uncertain.
The rising killing incidents amid infights among the different factions and fractions of the Rohingya refugees time and again appeared in the media which threatens the local and regional social and political stability. The popular Rohingya leader Mohibullah assassination drew huge international attention which unfolded the fact that Rohingya refugees are becoming a serious security threat to society and the country. Apart from them, Rohingya’s involvement in Yaba transportation, illegal border trading, child-women trafficking and various forms of criminal activities frequently appeared in the local and national media outlets. Bhasan Char also brought a new critical issue into the realm of the Rohingya crisis. The local law and order situation in Ukhiya and Teknaf is gradually declining due to the massive Rohingya presence that is claimed by law enforcement agencies. Given the fact, that resuming the repatriation process now needs central attention.
The government should take effective diplomatic action immediately to restart the repatriation process which was postponed due mainly to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent military’s take-over of the state power in Myanmar. If necessary, Bangladesh should apply both soft and hard diplomacy to mobilise the influential stakeholders as far as the Rohingya crisis is concerned to generate effective pressure on Myanmar so that Myanmar can take part in the repatriation process with sincerity and commitment. Otherwise, only sitting together and holding meetings will bring about nothing significant to executing the repatriation.
Bangladesh’s government has a very effective trump card now in its hands because hundreds of thousands of Rohingya brought out a big demonstration in June 2022 and June 2023 chanting the slogan “Let’s go home; let’s go to Myanmar”. So, it clearly indicates that the majority of Rohingya refugees are at present willing and eager to ‘go back to Myanmar’. Now, Bangladesh must capitalize it in the renewed repatriation process. Therefore, on the sixth Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day, the big challenge for Bangladesh is to resume the repatriation process.