by SudHanshu Roy 4 October 2023
“Recently, in a passionate speech, Rahul Gandhi emphasized the urgency of obtaining what he referred to as “India’s X-ray results.” His call was directed at the Narendra Modi government, urging them to release the comprehensive caste census data of the nation. However, a seemingly contradictory statement emerged from the Minister of State for Home Affairs, Nityanand Rai, on July 25, when he informed the parliament that “the Government of India has not conducted a caste census since Independence.” On the surface, this dissonance appears perplexing, but it’s important to delve deeper into the nuances of the situation.
Technically, the government’s assertion is accurate. The regular population census conducted by the Home Ministry every ten years has not traditionally collected detailed caste information for all citizens, except for the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST). However, an important development took place during the Manmohan Singh government’s tenure in 2013 when a specialized ‘socio-economic-caste census’ (SECC) was conducted. This unique census aimed to gather in-depth information about the caste composition of India’s population. Unfortunately, before the SECC data could be thoroughly analyzed and released to the public, the general election of 2014 intervened. After the Modi government assumed power, it chose not to pursue the release of the SECC results, leaving them undisclosed to this day. Rahul Gandhi’s plea for the ‘x-ray results’ essentially referred to the SECC data.
Now, it’s important to address two pivotal questions: What makes the caste census an ‘x-ray,’ and why should it be made public? The ‘x-ray’ analogy signifies that the caste census would serve as a revealing diagnostic tool for Indian society. India grapples with the deeply ingrained issue of extreme inequality, with caste at its core. Rahul Gandhi eloquently pointed out in parliament that among the 90 Secretaries to the Government of India, who essentially run the country, only three hail from the oppressed social groups of Backward Classes (OBC), Scheduled Castes (SC), or Scheduled Tribes (ST). While the precise figures are still unavailable, it is widely believed that these OBC, SC, and ST communities collectively constitute approximately 60-70 percent of India’s population, if not more.
Furthermore, this inequality extends to professional positions across various sectors. Only a mere one-fourth of the 11,310 senior officers in public sector banks come from OBC/SC/ST backgrounds. None of the leaders of the top 50 companies listed on the National Stock Exchange or the founders of the 104 unicorn start-ups represent these marginalized castes. The pattern continues across different domains. The question arises: how can it be that when such a substantial portion of India’s population comprises OBC/SC/ST communities, their representation in high-ranking professional roles is disproportionately low or even non-existent? On the flip side, a striking majority of workers in schemes like NREGS, government sanitation staff, and manual scavengers come from these oppressed social groups. This glaring disparity is not a statistical quirk but a symptom of a deeply rooted caste-based inequality plaguing Indian society.
To illustrate, consider a box with 100 balls: 70 red, 20 green, and 10 orange. If, every time a ball is drawn, it turns out to be orange, it becomes evident that the selection process is rigged. Similarly, if only 10 percent of the population consistently secures top professional positions, the remaining 90 percent undoubtedly feels marginalized and cheated. This is precisely what transpires in Indian society. For far too long, this stark inequality has been justified under the banner of ‘meritocracy.’ The argument suggests that professional success is solely a result of merit, implying that only those genuinely meritorious individuals rise to such positions. However, it is illogical to presume that all of society’s merit is concentrated within the top 10 percent of the population. Merit is not a quality exclusively bestowed upon individuals born into privileged castes.
While the class divide between the wealthy and the impoverished is acknowledged, caste plays an even more substantial role in determining livelihood outcomes. In the birth lottery of Indian society, a child born into a marginally wealthier Dalit family may have a lower chance of success than a child born into a marginally less affluent upper-caste family. Although caste is essentially a birth lottery, the outcomes are heavily influenced by factors ranging from social networks to biases and stigmas—all dictated by the pervasive role of caste in society.
Given these considerations, the logical question emerges: What can be done to rectify this deeply rooted issue? The instinctive response might be to advocate for increased reservations as a solution. However, before implementing such measures, it is crucial to comprehensively understand the extent and gravity of India’s caste divisions. One cannot prescribe the right remedy without a thorough diagnosis of the ailment. This is precisely why a caste census is essential. The caste census would not only provide data about the caste demographics but also offer insights into income disparities, educational levels, healthcare access, and social mobility among various caste groups. This data serves as the foundation upon which effective policies to address the inequality can be formulated.
In essence, the caste census acts as the ‘x-ray’ that illuminates the severity and prevalence of the disease of caste-based inequality. So, the question that looms large is: why is the Modi government resisting the release of this ‘x-ray’ data? The most plausible reason is fear. The government might fear that making caste data public would unequivocally affirm the severe and grave nature of the caste-based inequality disease deeply embedded in Indian society.”