The India-US partnership thrives in multiple domains, especially strategic interests. The US declares India as a net security provider in the Indo-Pacific strategy. Both the states show enhanced cooperation in all security domains. The collaborative ventures encompass the initiative on critical and emerging technologies (iCET), the joint naval exercises such as exercises with the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and expanding joint space facilities. On 6 January 2025, the former US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s visit to New Delhi forecasted the removal of impediments in the Civil Nuclear Agreement (2008) between the US and India. Likewise, Trump’s first tenure and his election campaign as a guide, suggests that Washington’s South Asia policy will be guided by its vision for the Indo-Pacific. Currently, the re-elected Republican regime would unveil new prospects for India as Trump’s politico-transactional policy structure of US foreign policy aims for protectionist measures under the ‘America first’ manifesto. Relevantly, the contemporary romance between Washington and New Delhi reflects covert repercussions for regional equilibrium in South Asia with special reference to the existential security of Islamabad.
In 2008, Washington granted a discriminatory waiver to India by the Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) and looked for an exemption by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for expanding nuclear trade with India. In this way, New Delhi has developed sophisticated nuclear technology in the name of peaceful atomic energy both independently and in collaboration with Washington. Out of 22 nuclear reactors only 14 are under the safeguards of the IAEA. Suspects reveal that the remaining 8 reactors are being utilized in manufacturing a highly enriched nuclear technology by India. India’s unfinished quest to acquire great power status urges it to increase defense spending. The International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS) enlisted New Delhi as the fourth largest military spender, following three great powers to note: the US, China, and Russia. Recently, the Indian Ministry of Defense revealed a record USD 74.30 billion expenditure in 2024 with a phenomenal increase of 94% in the last five years. Indian unchecked elevation of nukes is covertly detrimental to regional stability under the security dilemma.
At present, Donald Trump’s comeback in the Oval Office highlights shifting policies to their partners. The latest talks between the US president Donald Trump and the Indian PM Narendra Modi on 27 January 2025 emphasized the strategic partnership. The president reiterated India’s need to strengthen the procurement of American-manufactured equipment for maritime security in the Indian Ocean, navigating the regional security challenges. Further, both ensured the Quad commitments and indicated the next summit to be held in India.
However, Trump’s invitation to Chinese Xi Jinping for his oath-taking ceremony and transactional trade projected at 10% tariffs against Beijing imports predicts cooperation in future bilateral relations. It may dilute Indian sentiment that kept no stone unturned, evident from the recent visit of their Minister of External Affairs, Jaishankar, to arrange immediate bilateral engagements with the Trump 2.0 administration. This is due to the dint of Indian double standards, simultaneously it is trading with three global powers on different economic, strategic and nuclear entities. For instance, dealing an economic trade of US$ 118.40 billion with China. Besides, a recent deployment of Arighaat nuclear powered submarine and a deal of US$ 5.5 billion for five S-400 ground-to-air defense missiles with Russia. Thus, the way forward to Indo-US partnership may be more challenging as compared to the Biden administration. Because Trump’s policy is extensively tilted towards ‘American interests’ rather than regional politics.
The past pages of Indo-US strategic relations demonstrate strengthening critical ambitions towards Indo-Pacific strategy. Such as (i) the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA, 2016), which is a framework to provide sharing defense bases between the US and India for navigation of their warships, especially in the Indian Ocean. The agreement covers, among others, port calls, joint exercises, military training, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. (ii) The Communication Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA, 2018) aims at securing transfer of defense communication, concealed from rival agents (China). The US offers to close allies and partners for the sale of high technology and provide interoperability between militaries.
Both signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA, 2020) to share navigation of maps and satellites through geospatial intelligence to respond to outside attacks. Similarly, it provides accuracy in the automation process of guided missiles and armed drones. Earlier moves of Trump administration granted Strategic Trade Authorization-1 authority as well, which reduced the export restrictions for India. Adjacently, the US signed a deal around USD 1.8 billion with India to sell the 24 Sikorsky helicopters and validated joint production of the F-16 fighter jet wings. Moreover, the prevalent ties revealed a diverse collaboration under Biden administration at various parameters from joint naval exercises with Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD at Visakhapatnam in August 2024 to heightened space cooperation.
The United States and India share technical assistance in space missions as well. The Senior Director of the Space Enterprise Council, David Logsdon says “U.S.-India space cooperation serves as a bedrock framework for international collaboration.” Recently, the US and India coalesced to secure joint struggle in international space station by communication between the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) and the NASA. Both organizations aim to launch a satellite mission, the NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR), to detect changes in Earth’s ecosystem by scanning the land and ice surfaces. The Satish Dhawan on the southern coast of India will Launch this mission on the date to be decided in March 2025. Conversely, Pakistan perceives threats such as territorial surveillance of the equipment and defense organizations from space by India. Correspondingly, the neighborhood with strained relation to New Delhi would also condemn the act as violation of international law under the right to territorial integrity.
Ironically, the interplay of the South Asian strategic security appears to be insecure under shared interests of India and the US. India’s strategic location covers a vast area of the Indian Ocean, a crucial maritime route for 80% of the global oil trade. The West perceives inevitable Chinese influence over it, hence assists India as a defense partner for the balance of power in South Asia. Similarly, India desires to become a regional hegemon and a major power in the global arena. As a result, it fuels an arms race between two nuclear powers and perpetual rivalries, India and Pakistan. This way, the common interest of both the US and India destabilizes the regional balance and growth of stakeholders in South Asia.
Consequently, the strategic partnership between Washington and New Delhi has witnessed almost two decades of enhanced cooperation. They collectively engage, especially in mutual defense on various levels, including maritime, logistics and technology, and space partnership. The US shift in government policies has anticipated consistency in bilateral ties but with a more reciprocal approach towards the coordination of shared aspects. On the other side, the compound effect of US strategic interests and Indian hegemonic designs derails peaceful choice for the cumulative growth of the region. The future-outlook of the region estimates emerging challenges vis a vis increasing trade war between the global powers. Therefore, global comity must address this segregation on regional level to note positive response on human rights development.