In our last article, we raised the question of whether the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was any different from the Awami League (AL). Earlier in another article, we argued that Fascism was rooted in the DNA of the AL. Although I am not in a position to monitor all political activities in Bangladesh, some political statements and violent actions attract my attention. According to one report, “BNP acting chairperson Tarique Rahman has urged the party leaders and activists to refrain from wrongdoing and sheltering intruders, reminding them that people may once again show their strength as they did on 5 August if they make mistakes.” Is the BNP leader sincere in his call to his party leaders and activists to refrain from wrongdoing and not to shelter intruders? I seriously doubt his honesty: it seems to me he is either insincere or not in touch with field realities and has little knowledge of history. I will illustrate my view here.
The daily Prothomalo reported on January 6 that one rival group attacked the BNP Central Executive Committee member Engineer Iqbal Hossain in Gouripur in Mymensingh district around 3 pm, seriously wounding at least five of his supporters. Iqbal is my first cousin and a little junior to me in terms of age, and we attended Ananda Mohan College together during our intermediate or higher secondary studies. Iqbal received BNP’s nomination for the parliamentary seat from Gouripur in the last three general elections, but apparently, another aspiring contender has been trying to attract the attention of BNP leadership for nomination from the area. He is reportedly using his muscle power and black money to achieve his objective. Reports of his extortion and recruitment of former AL members into the BNP are widely being circulated in the area. It is hard to believe that BNP’s central leadership would not be aware of these coercions. It would be a huge mistake if the BNP acting chairperson were not aware of this field reality.
Iqbal has reported the event to the DIG Police, Mymensingh Division, the SP, Mymensingh district, and the DC, Mymensingh district, but has received no response. He has also reported the matter to Mirza Fakhrul Islam, Secretary General of the party, but received no response. The acting BNP chairperson’s statement urging his party leaders and activists to restrain from wrongdoing and not shelter intruders came on January 19, and the news of one of his party’s National Executive Committee who became a victim of an intruder attack on January 6. Does it mean that he was not aware of this attack? If he did not know about this event, then one must raise the question of why he was not aware of this event. To me, this simply indicates the chaotic state of affairs inside the BNP.
Who are the potential “intruders” that the BNP leader is referring to? I do not have objective information to suggest who these people could be, but one cannot ignore hundreds of newspaper reports, including some in Iqbal’s area, about former AL supporters who are joining the BNP in groups. There are also reports about Indian designs to regain its lost control over Bangladesh. When recalling the nature of Indian control over Bangladesh, one not only remembers the fascist rule of the Hasina regime, but one also recollects many episodes from history. The first hundred years of the East India Company (EIC) rule (1757-1857) is a glaring example of this development. During this period, white supremacist colonial officials and Hindutva-tainted upper-caste Bengalis developed a policy of political, economic, and cultural domination that replaced the centuries-old political culture established by Muslim sultans and nawabs. When the colonial administration understood the pitiful conditions of the common people in the area, particularly Muslims, under colonial rule, it created a new province in 1905 by dividing Muslim majority East Bengal and Assam, affirming some Muslim rights. However, the Hindutva nationalists revolted against the administrative measure, and the government revoked the decision in 1911. The same Hindutva elements shamelessly divided their “Mother Bengal” in 1946 when the colonial administration decided to partition India between Hindus and Muslims in 1947. These historical memories naturally create concern among patriotic Bangladeshis about Indian hegemony. They do not want to receive the same treatment that lower-class Indians are suffering for centuries.
In our last article, we suggested that 1971’s liberation struggle was a “temporary rupture” in the continuity of Bengali Muslim identity. With the newfound freedom of speech, many intellectuals are now commenting on the issue. Recently one author has sarcastically commented, “We’ll have to count to see how many times we became independent after 1971.” Another author has suggested, “Tajuddin Ahmed-led exiled government’s contentious pacts with India and later Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib)-signed 25-year Indo-Bangladesh friendship treaty in 1972, facilitated New Delhi’s supremacy in Bangladesh.” Both BNP and AL should note that their “original sin” in 1971 was to liberate the Country with India’s assistance. The BNP should not forget the circumstances in which its founder, President Ziaur Rahman, came to power following the armed forces revolt against the first AL government in Bangladesh in 1975. They also should not forget how the new leadership rejected the Hindutva-tainted 1972 constitution of Bangladesh and provided a new definition of Bangladeshi nationalism. A recent article on President Zia has concluded, “Zia’s contributions to the Country’s independence, development, and democracy have secured his place as one of Bangladesh’s greatest leaders. His life remains an enduring symbol of hope, resilience, and progress for the people of Bangladesh.” The BNP, therefore, should adopt a pro-Bangladeshi position, as demonstrated by its founder, instead of creating pressure on the interim government to schedule the parliamentary election within the next six months. In other words, the BNP should reform itself before seeking a fresh parliamentary election.
I do not think BNP’s reform is a very difficult task. A cursory look at the treatment that the people of Bengal received under the EIC rule, the growth of the so-called upper-cast Hindu dominated Bengal Renaissance, 1905 partition of Bengal and its annulment in 1911, and then 1946-47 second partition of Bengal – all these historical episodes should teach the BNP about the fundamental philosophy of its founder Ziaur Rahman. If I have understood the main spirit of 2024 student revolution, I must say that the students understood the Bengali Muslim sentiment very well. The BNP needs to revive its full commitment to its original philosophy. I am sure like my cousin Iqbal; there many committed leaders within the BNP who should be able to win the hearts of the people of Bangladesh.