A new investigation says it followed thousands of arms shipments from India to Israel starting around October 2023, even as Gaza has been dealing with close to two years of Israeli bombardment. That bombardment has killed and displaced hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. The 42-page report, called  Made in India: The Supply of Weapons and Ammunition to Israel, was released by Amnesty International and it points to what the organization calls a tight, profitable kind of relationship between the Government of India and the Israeli defence sector. 

In its approach the report leans on trade data at the shipment level, stuff that’s publicly accessible, and it reviews 2,596 shipments covering small arms, ammunition and military vehicles that were sent from India to Israel since 7 October 2023. These consignments were tracked across the window from 7 October 2023 to 30 November 2025.

What Was Shipped

These aren’t just fuzzy nods to “defence cooperation.” Amnesty’s investigators actually put some numbers on it, you know. Their records suggest that Indian firms provided at least 390,516 small arms parts for military-grade weapons, plus 564,970 parts of explosive ordnance, including drone warheads, artillery shell casings, and other bits, and also 298 components linked to military vehicles to big Israeli companies. Those are direct suppliers to the Israeli military.

In the transfers they documented, the report says Indian shipments also covered 155mm high explosive artillery shells sent to Elbit Systems, explosive warheads for the Skystriker loitering munition that are similar to the ones identified from debris in Khan Younis Gaza. They also mention armoured vehicle components bound for major suppliers tied to the Israeli military.

Who Was Supplying

The report points to particular corporate actors, a few owned straights by the Indian state and others working as joint ventures with Israeli defence companies. State owned Munitions India Limited was described as supplying high explosive artillery rounds. Meanwhile, joint ventures tied to Indian conglomerates show up a lot too, the report says. It says PLR Systems, formed by the Adani Group and Israel Weapon Industries, exported more than ten thousand feeding tray parts for Negev machine guns and also over thirty three thousand bolt carriers. There were also other Indian firms connected to Elbit Systems and to Bharat Forge ’s Kalyani Systems, which were listed as providers of components from firearm bits to artillery casings.

Those deliveries were headed for several of Israel’s biggest defence contractors, including Elbit Systems, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, and Israel Aerospace Industries. These firms are basically at the centre of Israel’s military supply web.

What gives the report its sharpest edge is basically the claim that India cannot hide behind ignorance or something like that. Amnesty pointed to the International Court of Justice’s provisional measures orders which, did recognise a plausible risk of genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. The argument is that Indian authorities cannot really pretend they didn’t know that still authorising arms transfers to Israel carries a substantial risk of helping drive serious breaches of international law. Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General, laid this out pretty plainly when the report was released.

Beyond the individual transfers, Amnesty’s investigators also flag broader, kind of structural failures in how India regulates this trade. They say India doesn’t have an explicit duty for human rights due diligence to stop military goods from ending up contributing to violations of international human rights or humanitarian law, and that the export process itself has too little transparency, leaving the whole thing largely unaccountable. India also hasn’t joined the Arms Trade Treaty, which is the international framework that is meant to govern exactly this sort of transfer.

Notably, Amnesty says that it’s figures likely understate the real scale of the trade. The organisation stated that it left out shipments which may have been headed for civilian use from its total, hinting that the actual volume of military related transfers could be higher still.

India’s Position

The Indian government has not been completely silent on this question, even if the way it answered did not really satisfy critics. In December 2024, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar spoke about the defence relationship with Israel more or less head on, saying India’s arms exports— including ones that may have military repercussions— are steered by national interest and by India’s promises under different international regimes. He also pointed out that Israel stood with India during times when India’s own national security was under serious pressure.

Even so, this defence track has not stopped people inside the country from taking legal routes. In September 2024, groups from Indian civil society filed a petition before the Supreme Court, asking that arms exports be halted. The court dismissed it though, saying that calls involving foreign policy sit firmly in the government’s hands, not in the judiciary’s, period.

This isn’t the first report to bring up these questions. Amnesty’s findings come after earlier allegations that New Delhi supplied combat drones, bombs, and weapons components to Israel after October 2023, and an Al Jazeera investigation based on Israeli Tax Authority import records previously found that India was the second biggest exporter of military related goods to Israel, between October 2023 and October 2025

It’s worth being precise about what has and has not been legally settled. The International Court of Justice’s provisional measures flagged a plausible risk of genocide, that s a threshold used for interim orders not some final conclusion that genocide actually happened; the underlying case is still before the court. Amnesty International’s own framing of events as an ongoing genocide is essentially the organisation’s assessment, and it’s one that a number of other human rights bodies echo while the Israeli government and its allies push back on it. What is not really contested, based on shipment level trade data cited across multiple independent reports , is the size of India’s arms trade with Israel throughout this whole stretch

For Amnesty, that distinction doesn’t really soften the core of its argument at all, it’s more like— that a government who had real credible warnings about the risk of grave violations still decided to go on authorising the trade. In other words it kept going, even after the alarm bells, or whatever you want to call them. Whether New Delhi’s defence about national interest and that longstanding strategic partnership will be seen as a sufficient answer to the charge, well, that’s probably going to stay a sharply argued matter both at home and abroad in the months coming, especially since the shipments, according to Amnesty’s data, have not stopped.