This is an appraisal of the remarkable rise of Jamaat-e-Islami (Jamaat) as a political force in post-Hasina Bangladesh since her overthrow on August 5th, 2024. Jamaat, which has had a controversial role since its founding in 1941 in British India, has faced disdain from liberal democrats and ultra-orthodox Sunni scholars due to its unconventional views on Islam and its political stances, which often diverge from mainstream Muslim thought in both Pakistan and Bangladesh. However, it has re-emerged as a significant political player in Bangladesh. 

The neo-Islamism or new political Islam that the Jamaat is championing today differs significantly from the dogmatic Islamism of the past. It resembles a form of liberal democracy that incorporates Islamic principles, rather than following the totalitarian state model envisioned by the Jamaat's founder, Abul A’la Maududi (1903-1979) in 1941, which was inspired by Mussolini’s Fascist Party and the Communist Party in Russia, where democracy, freedom, individualism, and equal rights for people would be non-existent. All non-Muslims in his Sharia-based Islamic State would enjoy inferior rights as Dhimmis, liable to pay Jizya to the state.

Notably, major international media outlets like Al Jazeera and The Washington Post have recently recognized Jamaat as an important power broker in Bangladeshi politics. Previously labeled a party of “war criminals” for its actions during the 1971 Liberation War by the Hasina administration, the ban on Jamaat was lifted by the post-Hasina Yunus administration shortly after it took power in August 2024. There is widespread belief that Jamaat will play a vital role in the country's political landscape. Supporters of the party suggest it could secure a majority in the upcoming February 2026 parliamentary elections.

Although die-hard Jamaat activists might advocate Sharia and Maududi’s totalitarian fascistic state, recent statements from top party leaders have adopted a more conciliatory tone, promoting democracy and equal rights for women and non-Muslims. In a notable move, the party even nominated a Hindu candidate in Khulna to contest in the elections. Additionally, prominent Jamaat leaders have publicly apologized for the party's collaboration with the Pakistani occupation army during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. They have also extended gestures of goodwill toward India and the Awami League party, which, under the Hasina administration, executed several top Jamaat leaders for their alleged war crimes in 1971 and banned the party altogether.  

Sheikh Hasina, the former Prime Minister of Bangladesh who served continuously for over fifteen years from 2009 to 2024, initially voiced concerns regarding the threat of Islamist terrorism during her first term in the late 1990s and early 2000s. These concerns have since evolved into a significant challenge for Bangladesh and the surrounding regions, including eastern India and Arakan. The situation necessitates careful consideration and a strategic response, given its implications for regional stability.

Nevertheless, there are compelling reasons to suspect that Hasina's assertions regarding the "growing threats of Islamist terrorism" in Bangladesh may have been politically motivated. This could potentially be aimed at undermining her primary political opposition, the BNP-Jamaat coalition, which governed Bangladesh during two previous terms: from 1991 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2006.

It is widely believed that certain incidents classified as "terror attacks" resulting in the deaths of innocent civilians from the late 1990s to the early 2000s may have been orchestrated by the Hasina administration. Concurrently, smaller local Islamist groups, such as the HUJIB (Harakat-ul Jihad Islami Bangladesh) and the JMB (Jamaat-e-Mujahedin Bangladesh), and some lesser-known Islamist terrorist outfits may have also been involved in some of these attacks, including the one at the Holi Artisan Café in Dhaka in July 2016.

Bangladesh has faced Islamist terrorism in the past, and it is possible that it may encounter similar challenges again. Several factors contribute to this issue, including poor governance, widespread corruption in both public and private sectors, and a significant decline in educational standards. The education system is divided into three different mediums of instruction: Bengali, English, and Madrasa. This division creates graduates who are under-employed, employable, and underemployed/unemployed, respectively.

The high youth unemployment rate, which exceeds 40 percent, poses a significant security threat to the country. Many of these disillusioned and frustrated young individuals, who are either underemployed or unemployed, resort to mob violence and are drawn to utopian ideologies – particularly those with Islamic themes – in hopes of achieving better governance and equal opportunities. The situation in Bangladesh, especially regarding its youth and the Jamaat party, illustrates this phenomenon.

Although the Hasina government executed several prominent Jamaat leaders for their alleged war crimes during the Bangladesh Liberation War, officially labeling Jamaat as “anti-Liberation,” “terrorist,” “anti-secular,” and “anti-Bangladesh,” the party’s actual goal is to form a coalition government (of like-minded organizations) through the electoral process, justifying its actions with Islamic principles. In the lead-up to the February elections, Jamaat’s 31-point agenda indicates that it no longer aims to implement Sharia law. Instead, its primary focus is on creating an “honest people’s government,” which appeals to a substantial number of voters. According to Al Jazeera, prevailing anti-incumbency sentiment may attract even more voters to the Jamaat, potentially breaking all previous records of its electoral success in the country. 

As the political landscape in Bangladesh heats up ahead of the February elections, the Jamaat is strategically redefining its image. Despite the Hasina government's efforts to portray Jamaat as “anti-Liberation,” “terrorist,” and “anti-Bangladesh” through the execution of several of its leaders for alleged war crimes during the Liberation War, Jamaat is determined to carve out a new path, positioning its agenda as rooted in Islamic principles. 

In a surprising twist, Jamaat's recent 31-point agenda reveals a shift in priorities. Gone is the ambition to impose Sharia law or establish Maududi’s vision of an Islamic State with limitations on rights for minorities and women. Instead, they are focused on creating an “honest people’s government,” a message that resonates with many voters seeking change. Al Jazeera reports that Jamaat could attract a significant number of voters, potentially leading to unprecedented electoral support. However, Time magazine has recently projected the BNP as the winner of the upcoming elections, with 70 percent support compared to 19 percent for the Jamaat.  

The world has already entered the post-terrorist phase of history, especially in countries like Bangladesh, where it never took off the ground. And portraying the Jamaat politics as a harbinger of Islamist terrorism would be as naïve and ahistorical as anything absurd or unheard of. However, what we are witnessing in the realms of political economy and society at large in Bangladesh is a mega cauldron of unrest, disorder, chaos, and a total breakdown of law and order.

Numerous contentious groups – both political and social, secular and Islamic – are engaged in ongoing conflicts, pulling the country closer to Hobbes's concept of a "state of nature". The legacy of widespread government-sponsored tyranny and the plundering of national wealth, amounting to several hundred billion dollars during the 15-year hybrid one-party rule under Hasina, is evident throughout the country. Those who were previously underdogs, marginalized, and subjected to tyranny under Hasina are now fighting for their rightful share – or, in some cases, their undeserved bounty – following the violent overthrow of the Hasina regime. 

There is widespread corruption at every level of society in Bangladesh. More than 90 percent of ruling party leaders, some opposition leaders, businesspeople, bureaucrats, judges, police officers, and many military officers are perceived as corrupt. The situation is exacerbated by an unemployment rate above 40 percent among educated youth, which has led to political chaos and social disorder. Intensive competition and conflicts over scarce resources have become the norm. Hence, the mob violence, anarchy, rumors, mutual vilification, and political assassinations in the country! It must be borne in mind that, like the Awami League, Jamaat is also predominantly a lower-middle-class and “lumpen proletariat” entity, prone to a “pre-political” culture of violence.

In light of the above, one can explain the remarkable rise of Jamaat as a political force in the country, especially considering it has never received more than 5 to 7 percent of the popular vote. This growth has been accompanied by a perception that liberal democracy lacks an overt agenda to establish Sharia law. Notably, as reported by The Washington Post on January 22, 2026, even the Trump Administration has shown a desire to form friendly relations with Jamaat. While it is still too early to predict a Jamaat victory in the upcoming elections on February 12th, the BNP and other secular and liberal democratic parties must acknowledge the emergence of a Third Party with a moderate Islamic agenda that could gain power in the next round of elections in 2031.

It is important for advocates of liberal democracy and human rights in Post-Liberation Bangladesh to consider the following concerning sociopolitical and cultural developments:

 

  1. a) The significant decline in education standards, primarily due to the neglect of English medium education and the rise of Bengali medium schools and madrasas, has resulted in a deterioration of the political culture and social norms among the majority of Bangladeshis. This generation is more ignorant and intolerant compared to previous ones, displaying increased adherence to conservative Islamic values while showing less tolerance for liberalism, civility, democracy, and women's rights and dignity.

 

  1. b) The Jamaat has demonstrated a lack of commitment to gender equality by not nominating any women candidates for the upcoming February elections. The party rejects female leadership and continues to uphold its traditional political philosophy of introducing Sharia through the electoral process, with the aim of establishing their vision of "sovereignty of Allah" to govern Bangladesh.

It must be borne in mind that, given the opportunity, the party is hell-bent on introducing Sharia in the country, albeit clandestinely. Jamaat Chief Shafiqur Rahman’s recent assertion proves this unequivocally. He opposes female leadership in political affairs, asserting that “Allah does not approve of it.”