Bangladesh is not without challenges regarding communal harmony, but it is far from being an intolerant country. While instances of violence against minorities occur, these are often driven by personal disputes or land conflicts rather than deep-seated communal animosities.
Following Hasina’s departure, the political unrest in Bangladesh included attacks on police stations in retaliation for brutal actions against protesters. As a result, most of the police stations were empty as many police personnel decided to stay away from work. Amid the chaos that ensued, some incidents of violence against minorities were reported.
However, certain sections of the Indian media portrayed the events as though a genocide was occurring, exaggerating the situation significantly. Indian media also did not report the remarkable acts of solidarity in Bangladesh, with Muslim volunteers protecting Hindu communities from opportunistic violence.
Bangladesh provides a relatively safer environment for minorities than India, where state-backed discrimination and violence have risen under Modi’s government. Modi’s tenure has been marked by an increase in anti-Muslim incidents, fueled by communal rhetoric and policies. In fact, Modi, who was chief minister during the 2002 Gujarat riots, has cultivated a climate that enables religious intolerance.
India’s efforts to portray Bangladesh as unsafe for minorities come across as deflective, especially given its own troubling track record. Leveraging its media influence and international stature, India often shapes narratives that obscure its internal shortcomings on minority rights.
Recent incidents, such as those involving ISKCON and Chinmoy Krishna Das, highlight this agenda. A global Hindu religious organization, ISKCON in Bangladesh is facing criticism due to the activities of its expelled leader Das, who formed a separate Hindu alliance. Yet Indian media falsely linked these events to broader religious persecution of ISKCON leaders. Similarly, the arrest of Das was presented as a targeted attack on Hindu leadership, ignoring the complex political and legal context, including violence by his supporters that led to the murder of a Muslim lawyer.
Another troubling gap in the Indian media’s coverage of this sensitive issue is the complete omission of the news that Das was suspended from ISKCON last year. According to a letter issued by ISKCON’s Child Protection Unit (CPT), Das is barred from holding leadership roles, conducting classes, and participating in public worship. Furthermore, he is restricted from staying overnight at ISKCON properties without authorization. While ISKCON has refrained from officially stating the reasons for his suspension, reports from local news outlets, citing ISKCON leaders of Bangladesh, reveal allegations of misconduct involving children. Das’ refusal to comply with ISKCON directives led to his permanent expulsion in July, just before the mass uprising against the Hasina regime.
These serious charges against Das notwithstanding, his arrest on sedition charges over the placement of a Hindu flag above the national flag was at best mildly provocative. Charging him with sedition appears excessive. The case, initiated by a local political leader who was later expelled by the party, lacked merit from the outset. The Bangladeshi government’s heavy-handed approach of arresting Das on flimsy grounds plays into the perception of political repression, on which some sections of the Indian media gleefully made hay.
While the Indian media remained silent about Das’ criminal activities, they unleashed a barrage of lies and misinformation about various aspects of the case. For example, several media outlets falsely claimed that the murdered lawyer, Saiful Islam, was Das’ attorney and was killed by Islamist terrorists. Subsequently, they shifted the narrative to claim that Saiful was killed during police firing on protesters — mostly Hindus — who had gathered outside the court and blocked the police van carrying Das. In reality, Saiful Islam was killed by a Hindu mob armed with lethal weapons.
We are already witnessing the negative impact of India’s misinformation campaign. The ruling BJP views this as an electoral strategy, which they have successfully leveraged in the past. By creating communal tensions in various states before elections, they provoke and energize voters, exploiting communal sentiments to secure votes. Following this playbook in West Bengal, the BJP seized upon the Das case, leading to attacks and vandalism against the Bangladesh Assistant High Commission in Agartala. This incident caused a significant uproar in Bangladesh, further straining bilateral ties. As a result, the relationship between the two neighbors has now reached an all-time low.
So, why is the seemingly independent media of the so-called largest democracy in the world hell-bent on being a propaganda machine of a communally divisive government?
Many in Bangladesh believe that a section of the Indian media has been working with the Indian deep state to legitimize Bangladesh’s past autocratic ruler Sheikh Hasina and her regime. Now with Hasina’s fall, they are engaged in undermining the interim government that replaced her.
During her 16-year rule, Hasina ensured that Indian security concerns in its Northeast were addressed and halted the sheltering of anti-Indian militant groups on Bangladeshi soil. She provided India with transit and port access along with numerous other facilities, essentially aligning Bangladesh with India’s strategic goals. This partnership was invaluable for India, especially as it faced hostility from its other South Asian neighbors.
In exchange, India bolstered Hasina’s ruthless and tyrannical regime by providing it with unwavering support in the face of mounting international backlash, particularly from the European Union and the United States. The Hasina regime lacked a genuine popular mandate, as the last three elections were either boycotted by the political opposition or marred by widespread electoral rigging. By shielding the regime from the consequences of its political illegitimacy, India played a key role in sustaining Hasina’s grip on power. This was blatantly obvious ahead of the farcical January 2024 election.
Throughout 2023 and leading into the January 2024 election, the United States consistently pressured the Awami League government, demanding free and fair elections. However, India intervened strongly, ultimately forcing the U.S. to step back. This reversal stemmed from shared geopolitical interests between India and the U.S., particularly in countering China’s influence in the region.
Over the past decade, the Indian media has become increasingly subservient to the Modi government narratives. Through a combination of threats, financial inducements, and state-backed acquisitions, such as the Adani Group’s takeover of NDTV, a once-independent press has been co-opted. This transformation has enabled the Modi government to shape domestic and regional narratives, often sidelining facts for political expediency.
Against this backdrop, the abrupt fall of the Hasina regime in August 2024 ended the dream run of the Indian deep state in Bangladesh, which had expected its ally to remain in power for years to come. In response, Indian media unleashed a barrage of misinformation, leveraging the sensitive issue of minority rights to undermine the legitimacy of the interim government.
India must come to terms with the end of Hasina’s regime and recalibrate its relationship with Bangladesh. The era of treating Bangladesh as a vassal state is over. A stable, mutually respectful partnership is essential for the geopolitical stability of South Asia.
Indian media, too, must rise above its current role as a mouthpiece for political agendas. Honest reporting and constructive engagement are vital for fostering trust between the two nations. The current path of misinformation and sensationalism only undermines regional harmony and weakens India’s credibility as a regional leader.
source : thediplomat