Bangladesh Victory Day: Need Soul Searching

by R. Chowdhury 16 December 2019

A Reminiscence

I got the confirmed news around 5 am. Apart from a folded map and a walkie-talkie, a small transistor radio remained my closest companion for the past few days. The surrender of the Pakistan military was in the air since December 13, 1971, the day Sam Manekshaw Ka Paigham kept buzzing in the air. The Indian army chief conducted the psychological warfare against the enemy in Bangladesh to surrender, otherwise it faced dire consequences. By the night of December 15, Pakistani General Abu Abdullah Khan Niazi succumbed and decided to surrender. 

As a smalltime freedom fighter, my emotions knew no bounds. I sprang up from my makeshift bed and rushed out of the tent. Ran from tent to tent screaming of Pakistani surrender and woke everyone up. I gathered them around the Bangladesh flag fluttering atop a bamboo pole in the center and saluted it. We cried Joy Bangla, our war cry, at the top of our voices. We danced, we hugged and we cried. We cried and prayed for the fallen fighters, for the martyrs, for the wounded, for the millions who suffered and for the thousands of women who lost their honor. It was a crazy scene. It was the craziness of a 25-year old Captain and his 100 odd artillerymen, following a bloody war of freedom.

Barely half a day ago, I pounded the enemy running for shelter at a technical institute north of Sylhet town (I think it is now the Sylhet Cadet College). Atop a large tree on the south bank of the Surma River, east of the Sylhet Railway Station, I could clearly see the institute complex. Surrounding trees camouflaged most of its contents. Map, binoculars and walkie-talkie remained strapped around my neck. Being a village boy, I had no problem in tree climbing, a feat few of my genre could enjoy in our typical countryside warfare in 1971. (Most of my Observation Posts were on tree tops. Shaken by enemy shelling, had an almost fatal fall once). Halfway through my 25-Pounder bashing, Major Rashid, who just joined the unit, called me to stop the fire because the enemy was surrendering. “Is it from the Commander (Colonel Ziaur Rahman of Z Force)?” I asked. It was not, he said. He heard it in the radio. I said I couldn’t believe those bastards. “I still hear gun shots to the north.” I continued the punishment with a few more salvos. I saw the sparkling fire and clouds of smoke climbing up. “Cease Fire,” I gave my last battle order to my guns.

(After the surrender, Major Amin (CO, 8 Bengal) took me to the camp to meet his former boss, Brigadier Iftikhar Rana. Rana commanded Pakistan’s 313 Brigade, which our Z Force defeated. I was somewhat discomforted to see the crates on the ground and holes with dark patches on the walls, particularly noting the dejected and lost men, my former comrades, totaling more than 5000, huddled in groups. I had a small altercation with a Pakistani Major who blamed Mukti Bahini for their surrender. “We did not start the war,” I told the Major and recalled March 25/26, 1971. Brigadier Rana calmed both sides down and escorted us out of the camp before the situation went out of control.)   

In those days, news did not travel that fast. From Sylhet, I had no idea how the surrender went, nor was I familiar with its mechanics. Two weeks later, I came to Dhaka with 1 Bengal to which I was then attached. I became wiser as the officers privately discussed some of the insulting protocol lapses in the surrender. Mukti Bahini was not in it.   

India Took Pakistani Weapons

Immediately after the war, my first shock was at Srimangal, Sylhet, where my unit regrouped in a tea garden area. One morning, I saw an Indian Colonel counting the Pakistani weapons displayed in the front yard of a school. Those were sophisticated and relatively new armaments acquired from the US and China. It appeared odd to me that an Indian officer would be in charge of them. When asked, the Colonel replied that he was doing stock-taking for their dispatch to India. “Why?” was my shocked question. “These belong to us, the Bangladesh Army.” The Colonel, a Bengali, didn’t expect a tiny captain to challenge him. “First, Bangladesh does not need arm forces,” explained the officer. “Second, India would be there to help, should there be any need.” I thought he said it in jest. After a while, I said, as politely as possible, “Sir, we are grateful for your support during our war. Bangladesh cannot remain dependent on India for its defensive needs forever.” The colonel did not seem to like what I said. “Let the politicians bother about that,” he said somewhat in a curt manner. “I am doing my duty.” 

I could not accept it. I rushed to the Z Force Headquarters at the Sylhet Railway Station. Colonel Ziaur Rahman and a few other officers were having lunch in a railway buffet car. I told the commander what I saw. He must have noticed the angry demeanor I had, but kept quiet. “Sit down. Have lunch,” said the commander, perhaps in an attempt to pacify me. But I didn’t appreciate his indifference to such an important matter. “I am not hungry, sir,” I replied and kept standing. “Sit down.” It was an order and I had to comply. “Bring lunch for the saheb,” he asked a nearby waiter in Bangla. Captain Patwary, Second-in-Command of 1 Bengal, sitting next to me, quietly signaled with a slight head shake not to discuss the issue. After a while, when situation cooled down a little, the Commander said, as if to himself, “Indians also fought, they lost men and material. Let them take a little booty.” Somewhat surprised at the logic, I looked at him who was still eating and not looking at anyone. It could not be from the Zia I knew. He sounded like he was conveying a message. Major Ziauddin (CO, 1 Bengal) sitting in front of me, raised his left index to his lips. I understood it was an unpleasant topic and we needed to keep quiet. 

Major Jalil, Barisal area Sector Commander, tried to stop the Indians from taking away surrendered Pakistani armaments and equipment. The new Bangladesh government arrested and Court-Martialed him on some flimsy charges. I happened to be a member of that Court Martial, which acquitted Major Jalil. Few of us knew that Bangladesh was mortgaged to India through a 7-Point Agreement between Tajuddin Ahmad, the wartime Prime Minister, and Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India in July 1971. The salient points of the terms are shown at the end.[1] The agreement was later expanded to a 25-Year treaty of subjugation by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman with Indira Gandhi in March 1972. The leftover weapons and equipment of four plus Pakistan Army Divisions were valued at the time at $2.2 billion.

Surrender: No Mukti Bahini

My second shock was rather serious. It came when I learned that the surrender was between India and Pakistan. No Mukti Bahini or Bangladesh representative was in the ceremony. 

There is a rural Bangla saying: শোয়াই দিলে কিলাইতে পারি (Make it a sitting duck, I will do the finishing task). So did the Indian military with the Pakistani forces in Bangladesh. (Please see a note earlier in this story what a Pakistani Major had to say. He blamed Muktis for their defeat and surrender). India formally joined the war on December 4, 1971 when the Pakistani forces were crippled fighting the Bengalis for nine months. For India, the war in the eastern sector lasted for little over a week. No major battle was fought after December 13. India, however, supported the Mukti Bahini, the liberation forces of Bangladesh, for its war efforts from the beginning.

Joint Command

After the Battle of Boyra, Jessore, on November 22, 1971 (when Indian and Pakistani fighter planes fought dogfights for the first time in 1971), India and Bangladesh decided to form a Joint Command so that India could be more actively involved in the Bangladesh war. The command was finalized on December 3, 1971, a day before the formal conflict began on December 4. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding Indian Eastern Command, and General (for the operational exigency, Colonel Osmani was given the rank of a General) M A G Osmani, Mukti Bahini Commander, were Joint Commanders.[2]

For the Mukti Bahini, the war started on March 25 night, when Pakistan military’s genocide commenced. Its fighters absorbed the bullets, bombs, shells and torches. They suffered. They died. On March 28, 1971, the New York Times put the first two days’ tally at 10,000. Four days later, its figure rose to 35,000. The Daily Telegraph on March 29, 1971 reported, “The shelling of the capital Dhaka has been cold-blooded and indiscriminate, although there was almost no sign of armed resistance.” The NYT on April 12, 1971 reported, “It’s a veritable bloodbath. The troops have been utterly merciless. It was like Genghis Khan all over again.” A month later, the Times reported, “80,000 Punjabi and Pathan soldiers slaughtered an estimated 300,000 Bengalis by the end of April.” These death figures might be largely guesswork because no accurate reporting was possible under the circumstances. The military ordered foreign journalists to leave the country before it launched its Operation Searchlight, yet a few managed to stay at the safe zone of Hotel Intercontinental, and messages leaked.[3]  The final death toll ranged from 26,000 (Pakistan’s Hamoodur Rahman Commission) to 3,000,000 (Bangladesh’s Sheikh Mujibur Rahman). Independent researchers estimated the number between 300,000 and 500,000. To date, Bangladesh has not conducted a survey of deaths in the 1971 war. Nonetheless, a genocide was committed and the people of Bangladesh suffered enormously.

Yet, ironically, the Mukti Bahini was not allowed to share the formal victory at the Race Course on December 16, 1971. It was an Indian show on Bangladesh soil soaked with blood of the freedom fighters. 

The obvious lapse did not escape observation of many Indian think tanks, including J N Dixit, a former Indian Foreign Secretary. In his book Liberation and Beyond: Indo-Bangladesh Relations, he blamed Indian military high command for not including General Osmani at the surrender ceremony.[4]   “The formal excuse,” explained Dixit, “was that his helicopter could not reach Dhaka in time for the surrender.” He did not hesitate to suspect a foul play in the act. “His helicopter had been sent astray so that he could not reach Dhaka in time and the focus of attention at the ceremony was rivetted on the Indian military commanders.” However, only the military could not take the blame for such a serious omission. Most observers felt it was a calculated move, not just by the Indian generals but the policymakers at New Delhi. India rarely mentions of the liberation war by the Mukti Bahini. Nor did they ever admit their mistake, if so, of excluding Mukti Bahini from the surrender. They always say, it was an Indo-Pak war. So is in their history books. Indian protege, the Awami regime, and Indian agents in Bangladesh sing the same tune. They never tire themselves of showering all the credits to India for the liberation of Bangladesh, at the expense of their own living and martyred freedom fighters. 

Celebrating Victory of What?

Come December 16, Bangladesh celebrates the Victory Day. The victory that the Mukti Bahini won against the Pakistan military. The victory of the subjugated people of East Pakistan from the domination of Islamabad. The victory of the oppressed people over the West Pakistani military and political overlords. The freedom fighters thought it was the victory of democracy, which had been denied to them by Pakistani rulers. Sadly, they soon discovered that they had landed in the worst form of dictatorship under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was not in the war. They faced a man-made famine that killed hundreds of thousands, they came under Emergency that took away their fundamental rights, they were shackled with a one-party BAKSAL. What a victory it was!

This year too, Bangladesh celebrates the Victory Day. Victory for what? Victory of fascism? Victory for Logi-Boitha tandob? Victory for sand-brick trucks? Victory for January 5 (2014) tamasha? Victory for December 30 (2018) midnight robbery? Victory for the sellout of national interests? Victory the massacre of 57 soldiers? Victory for the February and May 2013 killings? Victory for the Abrar’s murder? Victory for illegal Casino business? Victory for the loots of banks and share markets? The list goes on. (See what Mr. Rashed Anam has to say in a Bangla poem, shown at the end).

R Chowdhury is a former soldier and a decorated freedom fighter in the war of liberation of Bangladesh. Enjoys retired life in reading, writing and gardening. Writes on contemporary issues of Bangladesh; published three books so far.

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[1]   The salient points of the 7-Point Agreement between Tajuddin Ahmad, wartime Prime Minister of Bangladesh and Indira Gandhi, Prime Minster of India.

1. Bangladesh will have a para-military force, to be organized, equipped and supervised by India.

2. Bangladesh will procure all its military requirements from India.

3. Bangladesh’s foreign trade will be controlled by India.

4. Bangladesh’s development plans shall be approved by India.

5. Bangladesh’s foreign relations shall be guided by India.

6. Bangladesh cannot rescind any part of these agreements without prior approval of India.

7. The Indian force shall enter into Bangladesh at any time to crush resistance or uprising.

[2] J N Dixit, Liberation and Beyond: Indo-Bangladesh Relations, Konark Publishers, Delhi, 1999, p 89.

[3]  Rashed Chowdhury, A Soldier’s Debt, CreateSpace, Amazon, 2015, p10. 

[4] J N Dixit, ibid, p109 

A Bangla Poem by Rashed Anam (This writer made an attempt on its English rendering, for the benefit of non-Bengali readers):

স্বাধীনতা তুমি ভোট দেয়ার অপরাধে আওয়ামী গণধর্ষিত ৪-সন্তানের মায়ের আর্তনাদ !

Independence: The cry of a raped mother of four for not voting the Awami candidate.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি হাতুড়ি বাহিনীর মেরুদন্ড গুড়ানো বিদ্ধস্ত জাতীর বিজয়ের স্বাদ  !

 Independence: The victory for crushed nationhood under fascism.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি কোটা বৈষ্যমের উপর হেলমেট বাহিনীর বর্বরতার উল্লাস  !

Independence: The celebration of Helmet Force’s brutality against quota system.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি গণতন্ত্রশূন্য  সোনারবাংলার শশানে চেতনার লাশ !

Independence: The coffin without democratic rights.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি ভোট অধিকার কেড়ে নেয়া হতভম্ব ১৭ কোটি দ্বীঘশ্বাষ !

Independence: The hapless sigh of 170 million who lost voting rights.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি আগের রাতে বাক্স ভরানোর জাতীয় প্রতারণার আওয়ামী উপহাস !!

Independence: The butt of Awami election farce that filled the ballot boxes the night before.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি ত্রাস আর দখলবাজির ৯৮% সর্বকালের শ্রেষ্ট নির্বাচনী পাশ !!

 Independence: The greatest winner of all times, 98% through terrorism.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি গুমখুনের লাশে  ভরা শীতলক্ষা আর বুড়িগঙ্গার পাড় !

Independence: The filled rivers with abducted and dead victims.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি গণগ্রেফতার আর গায়েবি মামলার আওয়ামী শোষণের অঙ্গীকার !! 

 Independence: The promise of mass arrest and limitless cases.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি সিনহা তাড়িত দখলকৃত আদালতের আজ্ঞাবহ রায়

Independence: The obliging judiciary to kick (SK) Sinha out.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি  টুটি চাপা মুক্তবাক আর সংবাদপত্রের চরম অসহায় ! 

 Independence: The hapless sealed voice and gagged media.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি  ৫৭ সেনার লাশের বিনিময়ে অবৈধ ক্ষমতার  ন্যায্যতা

Independence: The legitimacy by massacring 57 military officers.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি সেনাপরিবারের রাতভর সাহার্যের আশায় ছিন্নভিন্ন গণধর্ষিতা

Independence: The military family’s victim of mass rape.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি সীমান্ত হত্যায় ফেলানীদের লাশের মিছিলের প্রতিবাদহীন নীরবতা 

Independence: The silence for the brutal killing of Felani on the border.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি একতরফা ফ্রি ট্রানজিট, বন্দর, টিভি, বেবসা, দখলের বিক্রিত স্বাভবমতা 

Independence: The one-sided offer of free transit and business to a chosen neighbor.

 স্বাধীনতা তুমি ব্যাংকগুলিতে আমানতের হরি লুটের কল্পকাহিনী

Independence: The story of bank loot of public money.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি পানামা পেপার আর সুইস ব্যাংকে অধিষ্টিত আওয়ামী বাহিনী

Independence: The Awami cronies fill the Panama Paper and the Swiss Banks.

স্বাধীনতার তুমি শেয়ার বাজারে স্বর্বসন্ত মদ্ধবৃত্তের দেউলিয়াত্ব

Independence: The loss and bankruptcy of investors in Share Market. 

স্বাধীনতা তুমি দাড়ি টুপি আর মাদ্রাসার জংঙ্গি দুষায়িত  ধর্মচর্চার শৃঙ্খলিত পাপ !

Independence: The god-fearing innocent Muslims blamed for terrorism.

স্বাধীনতা তুমি কওমি মায়ের আলেমের রক্তে ধর্মবেবসার ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতার ছাপ!

Independence: The trading a sea of innocent blood with Qawmi leaders for self-benefit.