The terms ‘Fascism’ and ‘Fascist’ have become widely discussed topics in the current context of politics in Bangladesh. Many rulers in the political history of the world were known as fascists. As a political ideology, fascism was outreached in the 1920s under various ideals in different nations, often leading to oppression of the masses. This trajectory culminated in the Second World War. Following the war, the world entered a new era, described by Samuel Huntington as the ‘Second Wave of Democracy.’
Fascism is often traced back to Benito Mussolini’s Fascist Party in Italy, later evolving under Adolf Hitler in Germany and Francisco Franco in Spain. In Bangladesh, the seeds of fascism were first sown under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most recently under his daughter Sheikh Hasina. A leader is often branded a fascist when they exhibit authoritarian tendencies, suppress opposition, curb freedom of expression, and engage in undemocratic practices.
If analyze the regime of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Sheikh Hasina, the characteristics of fascist rule become evident. But it is true that Sheikh Mujib’s political career began with a struggle for democracy. As long as he remained in the opposition party, he talked about democratic ideals. However, after assuming power following Bangladesh’s liberation war in 1972, the country’s democratic practices began to erode. Bangladesh has continuous to struggle in establishing a stable and enduring democratic political system. The instability of democracy has its roots in the actions of its first president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who shifted the country’s political trajectory by consolidating power. And he could not tolerate any dissenting opinion at all, and democratic practices engaged in controversial activities such as voter manipulation, ballot stuffing, and barring opposition candidates from filing nomination papers in the 1973 elections. This trajectory eventually culminated in the establishment of the one-party state, the BAKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) system, transforming Sheikh Mujib into an authoritarian ruler. Bangladesh’s journey thereafter oscillated between military rule and autocracy.
A brief return to democracy in Bangladesh was marked by the establishment of the caretaker government system through the consent of all parties of the 12th Amendment to the Constitution in 1991. This system provided a neutral framework for overseeing elections and successfully conducted four general elections in 1991, 1996, 2001, and 2008. In the political history of Bangladesh, despite some criticisms only these four elections were considered participatory, free, fair, and credible locally and internationally. However, it was abolished in Sheik Hasina’s regime in 2011 and marked a significant decline in electoral integrity.
Subsequently, Bangladesh witnessed the one-sided election in 2014; the election was boycotted by the BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and their alliance. As a result, without any opposition in the election, AL and its alliance candidate were elected to 153 seats among 300 constituencies. The AL ensured the necessary number of seats for forming the government without any election. Following the election, opposition parties sparked nationwide mass protests. However, the government ignored the opposition movement and organized another election after being in power for five years in December 30, 2018. This election is known as the “midnight vote” due to the filling of ballot boxes at night by AL activists with the assistance of the administration.
Following such a controversial election, the AL organized the 12th parliamentary election in 2024, which was also boycotted by opposition parties. Consequently, AL adopted a new strategy to secure victory and avoid controversy. To create the appearance of a contested election, AL President Sheikh Hasina instructed her party leaders to field as “dummy candidates” for election. As a result, this election became widely known as the “dummy election.” These three controversial elections were witnessed by Gen-Z. They were not allowed to cast their votes, nor were their opinions given any significance in governance. When they went to polling stations to vote, they had to listen, “Your votes have already been casted.” As well as, the Gen-Z have witnessed Sheikh Hasina’s human rights violations, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, politicization of the judiciary, control of the media through oppressive laws, money laundering, looting of banks and stock market. This frustration gradually grew into a mountain of resentment.
Also, Gen-Z observed that Sheikh Hasina’s regime has failed to create sufficient employment opportunities for the youth over the last 17 years. As a result, the unemployment rate in the country now stands at 65%. It has created great frustration among the Gen-Z because they are not getting jobs after graduation. Another significant problem was that 56% of posts of government jobs were reserved in different categories for the recruitment system. This made it challenging to secure government jobs solely based on merit. In such a situation, students launched a movement demanding reforms to the quota system in 2018. However, the government party AL’s leaders and activists attacked the protesters, filed cases, and arrested them. Finally, when the government couldn’t control the movement in any way, the Prime Minister angrily announced in Parliament the abolition of the quota system in April 11, 2018.
In addition, from July 29 to August 8 in 2018, the Gen-Z organized a massive movement across Bangladesh to demand safe roads. This time protesters were also harassed by the AL cadres. Furthermore, after the quota system was reinstated following a court ruling in July 2024, students once again began protesting. The government also attempted to suppress this movement with strong hands. Within three weeks, the government’s violent actions to quell the protests led to the deaths of 1423 unarmed citizens and injuries to 20 thousand students and civilians.
This discontent eventually erupted in a powerful movement, and their outburst was explosive and unprecedented, which ultimately shook the very foundations of fascist rule in Bangladesh. Where the main opposition party BNP could not stand in front of the AL for the last 15 years. Despite three controversial elections, they failed to present a significant challenge to the ruling party. On the other hand, we witnessed six parliamentarians of BNP taking their oaths in the Parliament following the disputed 2018 elections. At that point, Gen-Z emerged as the torchbearers of democratic resistance. They demonstrated how to resist fascism and force authoritarian rulers to flee the country. Their programs were unique, such as the ‘Bangla Blockade,’ ‘Shutdown,’ etc. Additionally, their innovative slogans captured the nation’s attention, uniting the collective spirit of the people. Their struggle transcends religious and social divides, bringing together people from all walks of life, rich and poor, men and women, in a unified fight for democracy.
The movement’s inclusivity was unprecedented. Although students were in the driving seat of this struggle, after the arrest of six key coordinators, people from all walks of life took up the leadership. Everyone led the movement from their own place. Protests erupted in diverse forms and expressions. Parents joined with their sons and daughters, siblings with each other, and spouses with one another. From rickshaw pullers to high professionals, everyone joined the protest. They occupied the streets, sacrificing their lives and staining the roads with blood, yet they never gave up. The Gen-Z embodied the principle that the nation’s priority is first then life. They demonstrated unparalleled bravery and sacrifice in order to defeat fascism, restore democracy, and attain freedom. Their actions showed the world that no oppressive regime can stand against the will of the united people. The legacy of their courage, their sacrifices, and their unwavering belief in freedom will remain etched in the nation’s memory for generations to come.