Nepal’s monarchists nostalgic for the past

KATHMANDU — A year since Nepalis first took to the streets to call for the reestablishment of the monarchy, the debate is still alive in the republic.

The monarchy was abolished in May 2008, making way for the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal following nearly two decades of political turmoil. But in 2020, the pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) submitted 2 million signatures to parliament demanding a referendum on the reinstatement of the monarchy and the reestablishment of a Hindu state, the religion of over 80% of Nepalis.

Since then, supporters of the former monarchy have cited corruption as a reason to restore the royal head of state. Transparency International ranked Nepal 108th out of 180 countries for corruption in 2023. Violent pro-monarchist protests broke out in November last year, followed by more demonstrations in April.

“Nepal has a weak state and is one of the most corrupt nations in the world,” said Rabindra Mishra, vice president of RPP and a former BBC journalist. “The country suffers from the divisions created in society following the Maoist insurgency. It sits between China and India. We need an institution which is above politics and can look after our interests over the next 50 years.”

Nepal established a multiparty democracy in 1990, following decades of absolute monarchy. In 1996, a Maoist movement began to challenge the parliamentary system endorsed by the royal family.

The ensuing 10-year civil war killed 16,000 people.

In 2001, Crown Prince Dipendra killed King Birendra, Queen Aishwarya and seven other royals before shooting himself, and subsequently dying of that injury. The king’s surviving brother, Gyanendra, assumed power and attempted to crush the Maoists.

More bloodshed followed as both sides took to the streets in the following years until May 2008. Now, pro-monarchists want King Gyanendra to resume leadership.

“With the establishment of democracy and the advent of federalism, corruption spread both to the center of governance and to the 75 districts,” Mishra claimed. “If you fall sick, you don’t call a hospital, you call a politician to get you a bed in a hospital. Schools, hospitals, the bureaucracy, the judiciary and journalists are all affiliated to political parties.”

Mishra fears Chinese, Indians and Americans becoming more vocal in Nepali affairs, because he thinks the country’s institutions have weakened.

Guna Raj Luitel, editor-in-chief at news outlet Nagarik Daily, is more positive about recent political developments.

“The conservatives think that reinstating the monarchy is the quick fix for Nepal because they are out of power,” he said. “They think the past was glorious and the present is difficult. But this is not true.”

Luitel cited daily 16-hour power cuts and water shortages in the past.

“Now we sell water and electricity to India,” he said. “Our capabilities are increasing. We have more and more educated young people who have the same capacity as young people in New York. Nepalis working abroad are investing in education for their children.”

Nepal’s 2015 constitution also reflects progress, enshrining in law a requirement that 33% of parliamentarians are female. Quotas for women and minorities also exist in municipal offices, the military and police.

The public space for expression has expanded considerably, Luitel said.

“During the monarchy period, people had little opportunity to speak out,” he said. “When I was young, before the war, being a journalist was dangerous. During the Maoist struggle, meeting both military or rebels was terrifying. Now Nepal is one of the freest countries in South Asia. No journalist has been killed since the passing of the constitution.”

In July, a new coalition government came to power when pro-China leader K.P. Sharma Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal and Sher Bahadur Deuba, an ally of India, of the social democratic Nepali Congress entered into a power-sharing agreement after the previous leader lost a vote of confidence. They have discussed opening the constitution to amendments.

Bharat Basnet, a prominent pro-monarchist businessman, sees the country as being threatened from abroad. Many in Nepal, like him, blame India for the royal massacre, despite the lack of any evidence.

“Gyanendra was ousted by India, the Christians and all the political parties who have not delivered anything,” Basnet said.

Luitel offers a more nuanced vision, saying that while Indian-Nepalese links are intertwined, China’s overtures also cannot be ignored.

“Nepal has to be nonaligned,” he said, noting that Nepal’s last king was considered by some to be a dictator.

“We don’t need a king to unify the country,” he said. “The Nepali people are the unifiers. And they don’t want another civil war.”

source : asia.nikkei